
Obama is denying Israel the right to self-defense when it is not his, or America's, life that is on the line.
I take it personally: Iran's president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, wants to murder me,  my family and my people. Day in, day out, he announces the imminent demise of  the "Zionist regime," by which he means Israel. And day in, day out, his  scientists and technicians are advancing toward the atomic weaponry that will  enable him to bring this about.
The Jews of Europe (and Poles, Russians,  Czechs, the French, etc.) should likewise have taken personally Adolf Hitler's  threats and his serial defiance of the international community from 1933 to  1939. But he was allowed, by the major powers and the League of Nations, to flex  his muscles, rearm, remilitarize the Rhineland and then gobble up neighboring  countries. Had he been stopped before the invasion of Poland and the start of  World War II, the lives of many millions, Jews and Gentiles, would have been  saved. But he wasn't.
And it doesn't look like Ahmadinejad will be  either. Not by the United States and the international community, at any rate.  President Obama, when not obsessing over the fate of the ever- aggrieved  Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, proposes to halt Ahmadinejad's  nuclear program by means of international sanctions. But here's the paradox: The  wider Obama casts his net to mobilize as many of the world's key players as he  can, the weaker the sanctions and the more remote their implementation. China,  it appears, will only agree to a U.N. Security Council resolution if the  sanctions are diluted to the point of meaninglessness (and maybe not even then).  The same appears to apply to the Russians. Meanwhile, Iran advances toward the  bomb. Most of the world's intelligence agencies believe that it is only one to  three years away.
Perhaps Obama hopes to unilaterally implement far more  biting American (and, perhaps, European) sanctions. But if China and Russia (and  some European Union members) don't play ball, the sanctions will remain  ineffective. And Iran will continue on its deadly course.
At the end of  2007, the U.S. intelligence community, driven by wishful thinking, expediency  and incompetence, announced that the Iranians had in 2003 halted the  weaponization part of their nuclear program. Last week, Obama explicitly  contradicted that assessment. At least the American administration now publicly  acknowledges where it is the Iranians are headed, while not yet acknowledging  what it is they are after -- primarily Israel's destruction.
Granted,  Obama has indeed tried to mobilize the international community for sanctions.  But it has been a hopeless task, given the selfishness and shortsightedness of  governments and peoples. Sanctions were supposed to kick in in autumn 2009; then  it was December; now it is sometime late this year. Obama is still pushing the  rock up the hill -- and Ahmadinejad, understandably, has taken to publicly  scoffing at the West and its "sanctions."
He does this because he knows  that sanctions, if they are ever passed, are likely to be toothless, and because  the American military option has been removed from the table. Obama and  Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates -- driven by a military that feels  overstretched in Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iraq and a public that has no stomach  for more war -- have made this last point crystal clear. 
But at the same  time, Obama insists that Israel may not launch a preemptive military strike of  its own. Give sanctions a chance, he says. (Last year he argued that diplomacy  and "engagement" with Tehran should be given a chance. Tehran wasn't impressed  then and isn't impressed now.) The problem is that even if severe sanctions are  imposed, they likely won't have time to have serious effect before Iran succeeds  at making a bomb. 
Obama is, no doubt, well aware of this asymmetric  timetable. Which makes his prohibition against an Israeli preemptive strike all  the more immoral. He knows that any sanctions he manages to orchestrate will not  stop the Iranians. (Indeed, Ahmadinejad last week said sanctions would only  fortify Iran's resolve and consolidate its technological prowess.) Obama is  effectively denying Israel the right to self-defense when it is not his, or  America's, life that is on the line.
Perhaps Obama has privately resigned  himself to Iran's nuclear ambitions and believes, or hopes, that deterrence will  prevent Tehran from unleashing its nuclear arsenal. But what if deterrence won't  do the trick? What if the mullahs, believing they are carrying out Allah's will  and enjoy divine protection, are undeterred? 
The American veto may  ultimately consign millions of Israelis, including me and my family, to a  premature death and Israel to politicide. It would then be comparable to Britain  and France's veto in the fall of 1938 of the Czechs defending their territorial  integrity against their rapacious Nazi neighbors. Within six months,  Czechoslovakia was gobbled up by Germany.
But will Israeli Prime Minister  Benjamin Netanyahu follow in Czech President Edvard Benes' footsteps? Will he  allow an American veto to override Israel's existential interests? And can  Israel go it alone, without an American green (or even yellow) light, without  American political cover and overflight permissions and additional American  equipment? Much depends on what the Israeli military and intelligence chiefs  believe their forces -- air force, navy, commandos -- can achieve. Full  destruction of the Iranian nuclear project? A long-term delay? And on how they  view Israel's ability (with or without U.S. support) to weather the reaction  from Iran and its proxies, Hezbollah, Hamas and Syria. 
An Israeli attack  might harm U.S. interests and disrupt international oil supplies (though I doubt  it would cause direct attacks on U.S. installations, troops or vessels). But,  from the Israeli perspective, these are necessarily marginal considerations when  compared with the mortal hurt Israel and Israelis would suffer from an Iranian  nuclear attack. Netanyahu's calculations will, in the end, be governed by his  perception of Israel's existential imperatives. And the clock is ticking.