
Few subjects get written about more often - and inaccurately - than the  Palestinians, yet there is curiously little interest in the politics and  ideology governing their behavior. The same situation applies to the man slated  to become their next leader, only the third to hold that post in 50 years, after  Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas. 
The fact that an issue that is  supposedly the most important, high-priority question in the world is studied so  little has a simple explanation. The contemporary narrative is that the  Palestinian leaders yearn for a state, an end to the conflict, and peace, while  the failure to achieve these can be blamed on Israel. Yet even the slightest  real examination shows the exact opposite is true. 
This point is only  underlined by looking at the current candidate for next leader, Muhammad  Ghaneim, often known as Abu Mahir. Of all those who might credibly have been  considered for the leadership of Fatah - and hence of the PLO and Palestinian  Authority (PA) - he is probably the most hardline. 
While media coverage  of the 2009 Fatah Congress may have stressed the accession of "young" and "more  flexible" leaders, the 72-year-old Ghaneim certainly doesn't fit that  description. 
Born in Jerusalem on August 29, 1937, his first political  involvement was with the Muslim Brotherhood, but he became a founding member of  Fatah in 1959 and has been active ever since, involved mainly in recruitment and  organization. 
It is difficult to say to what extent Ghaneim's early  involvement with radical Islam has shaped his thinking, and whether it would  make it easier for him to reconcile with the even more radical Hamas. Most Fatah  and PLO members came from more secular Arab nationalist or leftist movements.  The only prominent leader who seemed to blend an Islamist background with  nationalism was Arafat himself. 
Ghaneim's big career break came in 1968  when, at the age of just 30, Arafat appointed him commander of Fatah's forces in  Jordan. Later that year, he was put on Fatah's Central Committee, in charge of  organization and recruitment. 
It is impossible to overstate the  importance of these two jobs. At that time, Jordan was a Fatah stronghold and  the group constituted a shadow government alongside that of King Hussein, the  country's nominal ruler. Fatah guerrillas - and shortly after Arafat took over,  the whole PLO - had military bases from which they launched attacks on Israel  across the Jordan River. Arafat must have had an extraordinarily high opinion of  Ghaneim to appoint him to such a sensitive post. 
Since so much of this  task was involved with military matters, Ghaneim took a short officers' course  in China. On his return in 1969, Arafat gave him a third chore, as his deputy  for military issues. While the details aren't clear, this means Ghaneim must  have played a central role in planning and implementing scores of guerrilla and  terrorist attacks. Ghaneim played a central role in selecting those to be given  key jobs and just how much authority each had. Of course, everyone was far below  Arafat, but Ghaneim was about as essential as a second-tier figure could  be. 
In 1970, Fatah overplayed its hand, was defeated by Jordan's army,  and had to flee to Lebanon. Ghaneim continued his organizational and military  duties there. When the PLO and Fatah were forced out of Lebanon in 1982, Ghaneim  accompanied Arafat to Tunis. From 1982 to mid-2009 he remained there, though he  may have begun visiting the PA-ruled territories as early as July  2007. 
Ghaneim didn't return with Arafat in 1994 because, despite serving  Arafat closely and loyally for 35 years, Ghaneim rejected the 1993 Oslo accords  as too moderate. Only armed struggle, total victory, and Israel's destruction  were worthy goals in his eyes. 
While Arafat sought these things  covertly, the compromises involved in such a pretense were too much for Ghaneim.  He stayed in Tunisia despite numerous invitations from Arafat, starting in  October 1994, to join the PA, and instead insisted Arafat cease all negotiations  with Israel. 
Ghaneim moved closer to the popular Farouq Kaddumi, often  referred to as the second most powerful man in Fatah. Kaddumi rejected the Oslo  agreement and kept up a close connection with Syria. Arafat undercut him, but  Kaddumi was so strong in the movement that he could never be fired  altogether. 
Finally, Ghaneim decided to return and support Mahmoud  Abbas. While the details are not clear, this coincided with Abbas naming him as  successor. Despite some who claim Ghaneim has moderated his positions, there is  absolutely no evidence of this. 
Ghaneim has a definite appeal for Abbas  as ally and successor. He is one of the few remaining founders of Fatah, and has  wide contacts throughout the movement. 
In addition, as someone who has  been outside PA politics for 15 years he is seen as a neutral figure in many  petty disputes. 
But this is not the man to choose if your top priorities  are making peace with Israel and maintaining good relations with the West. He is  the man you would choose if you intend to reject compromise, rebuild links to  Syria and Hamas, and perhaps return to armed struggle. 
On arrival at the  Allenby Bridge crossing from Jordan on July 29, 2009, just before the Fatah  Congress, Ghaneim was picked up by Abbas' personal limousine, taken to his  office, and welcomed in a ceremony. 
At the reception, Ghaneim stated:  "The struggle will continue until victory" and that if political means did not  achieve Israel's destruction, the movement would return to armed struggle.  (Al-Hayat al-Jadida, July 30, 2009). It is clear how Ghaneim defines victory,  and it is not a West Bank-Gaza state with its capital in east Jerusalem living  alongside Israel. 
That Ghaneim would give up "the right of return," make  any territorial compromise, or end the conflict permanently is extremely  unlikely. These are things that even the supposedly less extreme Abbas has  rejected. 
Thereafter, Abbas promoted Ghaneim among the delegates to the  meeting. He finished first in the Central Committee elections with 1,338 votes,  about two-thirds of those participating and far ahead of every other  candidate.
Ghaneim's success, and the others elected, show that the old  Arafat crowd is still in control. If Ghaneim becomes leader of Fatah the PA and  PLO, you can forget about peace. 
No one should say a word about the  Palestinian issue, the peace process, or Israeli policy without analyzing these  factors. 
Unfortunately, there isn't at present a Palestinian partner for  peace. Fortunately, there is a Palestinian partner for maintaining a relatively  peaceful status quo. But if and when Ghaneim takes over, even this consolation  might be gone.