
Unless Tehran responds by late September to international proposals on its  nuclear program, history strongly suggests the Israelis will act  alone.
Iran has until late September to respond to the latest  international proposal aimed at stopping the Islamic Republic from developing a  nuclear weapon. Under the proposal, Iran would suspend its uranium enrichment  program in exchange for a U.N. Security Council commitment to forgo a fourth  round of economic and diplomatic sanctions.
But if diplomacy fails, the  world should be prepared for an Israeli attack on Iran's suspected nuclear  weapons facilities. As Adm. Michael Mullen, the chairman of the U.S. Joint  Chiefs of Staff, recently acknowledged: "The window between a strike on Iran and  their getting nuclear weapons is a pretty narrow window."
If Israel  attempts such a high-risk and destabilizing strike against Iran, President Obama  will probably learn of the operation from CNN rather than the CIA. History shows  that although Washington seeks influence over Israel's military operations,  Israel would rather explain later than ask for approval in advance of launching  preventive or preemptive attacks. Those hoping that the Obama administration  will be able to pressure Israel to stand down from attacking Iran as diplomatic  efforts drag on are mistaken.
The current infighting among Iran's leaders  also has led some to incorrectly believe that Tehran's nuclear efforts will  stall. As Friday's International Atomic Energy Agency report on Iran's nuclear  programs revealed, throughout the political crises of the last three months,  Iran's production rate for centrifuges has remained steady, as has its ability  to produce uranium hexafluoride to feed into the centrifuges.
So let's  consider four past Israeli military operations relevant to a possible strike  against Iran.
In October 1956, Israel, Britain and France launched an  ill-fated assault against Egypt to seize control of the Suez Canal. The day  before, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles grilled Abba Eban, Israel's  ambassador to the U.S., about Israel's military buildup on the border with  Egypt, but Eban kept quiet about his country's plans.
In June 1967,  Israel initiated the Six-Day War without notice to Washington, despite President  Johnson's insistence that Israel maintain the status quo and consult with the  U.S. before taking action. Only days before the war began, Johnson notified  Prime Minister Levi Eshkol in a personal message: "Israel just must not take  preemptive military action and thereby makes itself responsible for the  initiation of hostilities."
On June 7, 1981, Israeli fighter-bombers  destroyed the Iraqi nuclear reactor at Osirak shortly before it was to be fueled  to develop the capacity to make nuclear weapons-grade plutonium. Again,  Washington was not informed in advance. President Reagan "condemned" the attack  and "thought that there were other options that might have been  considered."
A few days later, Prime Minister Menachem Begin told CBS  News: "This attack will be a precedent for every future government in Israel.  ... Every future Israeli prime minister will act, in similar circumstances, in  the same way."
Begin's prediction proved true on Sept. 6, 2007, when  Israeli aircraft destroyed what was believed to be a North Korean-supplied  plutonium reactor in Al Kibar, Syria. Four months earlier, Israeli intelligence  officials had provided damning evidence to the Bush administration about the  reactor, and the Pentagon drew up plans to attack it. Ironically, according to  New York Times reporter David Sanger, President Bush ultimately decided the U.S.  could not bomb another country for allegedly possessing weapons of mass  destruction. An administration official noted that Israel's attack went forward  "without a green light from us. None was asked for, none was  given."
These episodes demonstrate that if Israel decides that Iranian  nuclear weapons are an existential threat, it will be deaf to entreaties from  U.S. officials to refrain from using military force. Soon after the operation,  Washington will express concern to Tel Aviv publicly and privately. The  long-standing U.S.-Israeli relationship will remain as strong as ever with  continued close diplomatic, economic, intelligence and military  cooperation.
Should Tehran prove unwilling to meet the September deadline  and bargain away its growing and latent nuclear weapon capability, we can expect  an Israeli attack that does not require U.S. permission, or even a warning.