
What  role does religion play in American attitudes towards Israel? An  analysis by Frank Newport, the editor-in-chief of Gallup Inc., reviews  14 annual Gallup polls from 2001 to 2014 in which respondents answer the  same question, "In the Middle East situation, are your sympathies more  with the Israelis or more with the Palestinians?" The numbers offer  insights different from what one might expect.
 
 The study starts with two basic facts: First, looking at the whole  sample of about 14,000 American adults, 59 percent answer that they  have more sympathy for Israelis and 16 percent say they have more  sympathy for Palestinians, a ratio of almost 4-to-1. Second, Newport  finds that "Religious Americans are significantly more likely than less  religious Americans to be sympathetic to the Israelis," confirming what  common sense already tells us.
 
 That said, his numbers contain several noteworthy subtleties:
 
 •A near-linear relationship exists between church attendance and  outlook: 66 percent of weekly or almost-weekly church goers favor  Israel, as do 58 percent of monthly and seldom church-goers and 46  percent of never church-goers. Conversely, sympathy toward the  Palestinians is also near-linear: 13 percent, 16 percent, and 23  percent, respectively.
 
 •In both cases, any church attendance at all makes Christians more  alike to each other vs. those who never attend, a difference that has  somewhat widened recently.
 
 •When one looks at religious groups, Jews, Mormons, and  non-Catholic Christians are the most pro-Israel; Catholics match the  national average; other religious groups and the non-religious are the  least pro-Israel.
 
 •Political views and religiosity both influence Americans' view – but as independent variables.
 
 •Political views matter more than religiosity: "nonreligious  Republicans are more likely to sympathize with Israelis than highly  religious Democrats."
 
 •Church attendance has more of an impact on Republican views than on Democratic ones.
 
 •Israel brings together two very politically dissimilar groups,  church-attending Christian Republicans and Jewish Democrats.
 
 Some reflections on these figures:
 
 (1) Although religiosity helps explain the difference between the  United States and Europe, politics has more importance: that even  irreligious Americans favor Israel 2-to-1 marks them as very different  from their European counterparts.
 
 (2) Given the prominence of Jewish anti-Zionists in the academy,  the media, and in Hollywood, the 93-to-2 Jewish support for Israel comes  as a surprise, suggesting that the most accomplished and articulate  Jews tend to be disproportionately hostile to Israel. Perhaps this is  their way of fitting into the leftist institutions where they work and  hope to succeed?
 
 (3) One wishes the "Protestant" category provided further details  on the various denominations. How much do the mainline churches differ  from the evangelical ones? Do the adherents of anti-Israel churches  follow their leadership in this regard? Are there important changes over  time? Gallup should inform us about this in the future.
 
 (4) Muslims are lumped in with other non-Christians but have a  unique profile. In Canada, whose Muslim population differs substantially  from the American one, pro-Israel Muslims number about 20 percent. I  estimate that pro-Israel American Muslims number half that percentage,  or less. Also of note: religiosity among Muslims has the opposite  influence than among Christians, making them less pro-Israel.
 
 In conclusion, Israel benefits from the fact that Americans remain  in large part a religious people. But declining religiosity bodes ill  for the Jewish state.