
The revolution that toppled Egyptian President Morsi isn’t just a decisive  defeat for the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt; it has triggered events that may  signal a regional realignment. Just a month ago, the Muslim Brotherhood was  ascending as it had never before; now it is in a downward spiral.
 The Muslim Brotherhood’s reign has managed to align the fractured non-Islamist  opposition. A Zogby poll taken from April 4 to May 12 showed that only 29% of  Egyptians had confidence in Morsi. This poll was taken weeks before his July 3  overthrow when an estimated 17 million people took to the streets.
 The U.S. criticized the military’s intervention, with Senator John McCain (R-AZ)  going so far as to recommend the suspension of aid to Egypt. You can judge the  wisdom of this recommendation by those that agreed with it: 
 The Islamist government of Turkey, facing its own internal challenge from  non-Islamists, immediately condemned the Egyptian military and took the Muslim  Brotherhood’s side. The Islamist government of Tunisia is urging the Muslim  Brotherhood to stay in the streets until Morsi is reinstated.
 The  countries that immediately congratulated the Egyptian people were Jordan, the  United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. The Jordanian government embraced its  liberal opponents in order to marginalize the Muslim Brotherhood. Saudi Arabia’s  King Abdullah fears a "Muslim Brotherhood crescent developing in Egypt and  Turkey" and says Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan and Morsi are false  democrats.
 The United Arab Emirates has called for a Gulf coalition  against both the Muslim Brotherhood and Iran. The Saudis, though they are  Islamists themselves, distrust the Muslim Brotherhood and have been supporting  the Brotherhood's rivals in Syria. These are the countries who took the side of  the Egyptian people, not the U.S.
 The biggest change in the  strategic landscape since Morsi’s ouster is the position of Qatar, a U.S. “ally”  that was more allied with the Muslim Brotherhood. Qatari support for the  Islamists was so massive that the three above countries (including Saudi  Arabia!) complained about it.
 The developments in Egypt apparently  convinced Qatar that it bet on the wrong horse. The Qatari government, which  supported Mubarak’s overthrow, congratulated Morsi's replacement. 
 The Qataris had been the Brotherhood’s biggest governmental supporter.  Shortly after Morsi fell, it was reported that Qatar shut down the Brotherhood  activity in its territory, revoked Brotherhood spiritual leader Yousef  al-Qaradawi’s citizenship and expelled Hamas leader Khalid Meshaal. It was from  Qatar that Qaradawi reached 60 million people each week on Al-Jazeera. If it is  true that Qatar has switched sides, the damage to the Brotherhood is  incalculable.
 The Brotherhood’s loss in Egypt will affect its  popularity in Syria, where a three-way power struggle is taking place. And if it  is true that Qatar has defected, the balance of power among the rebels may  rapidly shift in favor of the Free Syria Army and away from the Islamists,  especially if plentiful U.S. aid to the Free Syria Army arrives (Congress is  currently holding it up).
 We may already be seeing this reshuffling  of power among the Syrian rebels taking place. On July 8, only five days after  Morsi’s removal, the interim prime minister of the Syrian rebels, Ghassan Hitto,  resigned. As the Clarion Project reported at the time, he was part of the U.S.  Muslim Brotherhood network and won the position with the backing of the Syrian  Muslim Brotherhood and Qatar. The Brotherhood’s non-Islamist opponents amongst  the Syrian rebels were outraged.
 Hitto admitted he failed to form  an interim government that could replace Assad. He was replaced by secular  activist Ahmad al-Jarba, who has “close links” to Saudi Arabia. He is allied to  the anti-Islamist Democratic Bloc led by Michel Kilo, a Christian  secular-democratic activist. Another leader of the bloc is Kamal al-Labwani, who  the Clarion Project interviewed in April 2012.
 It is highly  unlikely that all of these events just happened to coincide. Apparently, the  Brotherhood’s dramatic setback in Egypt led to major losses in Qatar and Syria,  as well.
 There are other ripple effects that are causing the  Brotherhood pain.
 The bias of Al-Jazeera towards the Muslim  Brotherhood has discredited it in the eyes of many Arabs and even its own  employees. Twenty-two employees from its Cairo office, including at least one  anchor, resigned. Another four from Al-Jazeera’s headquarters in Doha joined  them. The employees complained that they were being directed to favor the Muslim  Brotherhood in their broadcasts. One of the journalists who resigned said  Al-Jazeera was “airing lies and misleading viewers.”
The Palestinian  Authority, including President Abbas, celebrated Morsi’s overthrow and other  Fatah officials encouraged Palestinians to overthrow Hamas, the Palestinian wing  of the Muslim Brotherhood that rules the Gaza Strip.
“Now it’s Gaza’s  turn to get rid of the Muslim Brotherhood branch. The dark era of political  Islam has ended. The era of hypocrisy and lies has ended and Gaza will soon  witness its own revolution against Hamas,” one Fatah official predicted.
 That is a complete reversal of how Fatah had been trying to make amends  with Hamas. President Abbas had been saying that Hamas isn’t a terrorist  organization and spoke at a rally in Gaza in January encouraging the two  factions to unite.
 The Muslim backlash against the Muslim  Brotherhood raises the hopes that the region will increasingly scrutinize  Islamist interpretations, fatwas and religious rulings.
 One Muslim  who is loudly doing so is the son of Qaradawi. He wrote a public letter taking  his father to task for his pro-Morsi fatwa. “I know some people would treat my  letter as a sign of disobedience to you but I can’t keep silent because it is a  fatwa,” Abdul Rahman al-Qaradawi writes.
 As the year began, the  Muslim Brotherhood was enjoying its brightest days since its founding in 1928.  It led Egypt, Tunisia and the Gaza Strip. The Brotherhood was leading the Syrian  opposition against Assad and had Jordan in its crosshairs.  The Turkish  government was riding high and Fatah was bowing to Hamas.
 Now, it  has lost control of Egypt; lost the premiership of the Syrian rebels, reportedly  lost the vital sponsorship of Qatar and, most importantly, lost the popular  support it used to propel itself to power. Its remaining allies in Tunisia, Gaza  and Turkey are plummeting in the polls.
 The Brotherhood went from  scoring some of its greatest victories to suffering some of its biggest losses.  This sudden reversal in fortunes should provide both hope and caution; the  ascendancy of the West’s enemies can be quickly altered, but so can their  descendancy.